{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Commands Fifty Percent of Sudan
Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune dealing in livestock and precious metals. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate around 50% of Sudan.
Seizing Power in Darfur
Hemedti's forces scored a notable victory by capturing the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining military stronghold in the western region.
Feared and despised by his adversaries, Hemedti is revered by his loyalists for his tenacity and his promise to tear down the discredited state.
Humble Beginnings
His background is humble. He comes from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that spans Chad and Darfur.
His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were never recorded.
Guided by his uncle Juma, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and seeking better opportunities.
Early Career
After leaving school in his early teens, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the desert to neighboring countries.
At that time, Darfur was a lawless frontier—poor, neglected by the government of then-President Bashir.
Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the native Fur communities, escalating a full-scale rebellion in 2003.
Rise Through Violence
As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.
Hemedti's unit was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in late 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, among them 36 children.
A US investigation concluded that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.
Strategic Maneuvering
In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his rise to become leader of a influential militia, a corporate empire, and a political machine.
He briefly mutinied, demanding back-pay for his fighters, advancements, and a government role for his brother. Bashir acceded to most of his demands.
Subsequently, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti led government forces that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.
Quickly, his family company Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.
Institutionalizing Influence
In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as head of the newly formed Rapid Support Forces, answering only to Bashir.
Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, receiving modern equipment and training.
Regional Ambitions
The RSF fought in the Darfur conflict, performed less successfully in the Nuba region, and accepted a contract to police the border with Libya.
Supposedly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at corruption and human smuggling.
By 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE requested Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide RSF mercenaries.
His ties with the UAE proved most consequential, beginning a close relationship with UAE officials.
Growing Power
Recruits flocked to RSF recruiting centers for cash payments of up to $6,000.
Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for business arrangements, particularly in gold.
He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.
Turning on Allies
With rising demonstrations, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.
This backfired. In April 2019, when demonstrators called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.
For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but this was short-lived.
Return to Violence
As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which killed hundreds, assaulted females, and allegedly executed men in the River Nile.
Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.
Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for several years.
Current Conflict
As an investigation began examining military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and seized power.
But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF come under army command. Hemedti refused.
In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The takeover effort failed, and fighting erupted across the city.
Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.
The UN estimates thousands of casualties, with the US describing it genocide.
Present Situation
The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, used to strike Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the assault on al-Fasher.
With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the national military.
Hemedti has created a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", taking the chairmanship.
After taking el-Fasher, the RSF now controls the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.
Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations committed by his fighters.
Sudanese speculate Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or still aims to rule all of Sudan.
It's also possible, he may emerge as a political puppet master, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.
And as Hemedti's forces continue atrocities in el-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a world that does not care.